King Solomons Mines Essays - English-language Films,

King Solomon's Mines Analysis of King Solomon's Mines' undertone of Sexism During the nineteenth century, women were viewed as inferior to men. Men also saw women as prizes as well as possessions. We can see this undertone in the book King Solomon's Mines by H.Rider Haggard. Here, the writer uses Lyn Pykett's essay Gender, Degeneration, Renovation: Some Contexts of the Modern as the backbone for the comparison and discussion. As Allen Quartermain and company gets closer and closer to the diamonds, the description of the scenery is very feministic: For the nipple of the mountain did not rise out of its exact center.(Haggard 101) As someone had pointed out that the map included in the book also has a hint of a female body, if turned upside down. The Sheba's breasts resemble the breasts of a female, and the location of the diamonds and treasures, which is further down the map, signifies the private of a female. Woman is a wholly sexual creature, to be defined entirely in terms of sexual relations and the reproductive function.(Pykett 23) When a man meets a woman, his ultimate goal is to get, as Haggard implied in the book, the treasures of the woman; therefore, one can also relate to the scene where Allen Quartermain and company makes a great effort to reach Sheba's breasts. During that phase of the trip, they face many hardships, such as starvation and dehydration. This part of the book could be interpreted as the time when a woman tells her man to slow down because she is not ready to be intimate, yet man, like the characters in the book would continue to strive to their ultimate goal. It is also important to note that after the characters reached Sheba's breasts; they found a stream, killed an inco and had a big feast. Here is a quote from Allen Quartermain after the treat, complementing the view of Sheba's breasts: I know not how to describe the glorious panorama which unfolded itself to our enraptured gaze. I have never seen anything like it before, nor shall, I suppose, again.(Haggard 104) Another point that should be observed is the fact that the road to the treasure becomes wide and smooth: It was a very different business traveling along down hill on that magnificent pathway?. Every mile we walked the atmosphere grew softer and balmier, and the country before us shone with a yet more luminous beauty(Haggard 107). This part of the literature signifies men's thoughts when they g et to that first stage of intimacy. Men rejoice, which is equivalent to having a big feast. Men also think that the road to the next stage of intimacy would be smooth sailing after he has broken the first barrier. During the later part of the story, when Quartermain Company are close to finding the Solomon's treasure, they encounter more difficulties. For example, they were in the middle of the war facing the wrath of Twala's army, and also witch doctress Gagool's trap, to which encounter almost cost them their lives. Again, these obstacles portray the idea of how a woman does not want to give, while the man would, even at the risk of dying, attempt to acquire it. Eventually, Allen Quartermain, Sir Henry Curtis, and Captain Good, get what they sought after. They had conquered the obstacles and attained the diamonds. One is safe to say that, men ultimately conquers women and gets what they desire according to the hidden connotation of the story. At the conclusion of the story one can add that, only men had survived. Both evil Gagool and fair Foulata perishes over the course of searching for the treasures, which, brings up the theme of survival of the fittest, where, only the strong continue to exist. How woman or women should be represented was clearly very closely linked to the question of who represents woman/women. (Pykett 20) In Haggard's book, the way he wanted to represent women was clear and evident. Notice how he describes the women when Allen Quartermain and company first entered the village: These women are, exceedingly handsome. They are tall and graceful, and their figures are wonderfully fine. Their hair, though short, is rather curly than woolly. Their

10 Part-Time Job Interview Questions (And Quick, Good Answers)

10 Part-Time Job Interview Questions (And Quick, Good Answers) The typical questions you might be asked for a part-time job are a little different than the ones you’d expect to be asked for a full-time job. In order to properly prepare yourself for a part-time job interview, start thinking of good answers to the following likely questions. â€Å"Why do you want to work here?†The interviewer is trying to figure out if you have any enthusiasm about the company or the position, or if you’re just looking for whatever is out there. Have an answer that will convince them of the former by doing a bit of research.â€Å"How long were you at your last job?†This is a sneaky way of figuring out whether you will stick around or not. It also might lead into questions such as why you left or what your relationship was like with your former employer. Be prepared to answer those, but also to explain- if you weren’t at your last job very long- why. Just make sure they know you’re not a flight risk.â€Å"When are you avai lable?†Even if they love you, your needs might mismatch, so this question is critical. They have shifts they need covered. You have conflicts that would prevent you from fitting in with what they need. Be honest. And make sure to think about evenings and weekends.â€Å"Would you prefer full-time if a position were available?†Be careful here. They might be testing you to see whether you might bail the second a full-time gig turns up at another company. In this case, either be honest and explain why full-time doesn’t currently work for you (but you might be open to it in the future). Or explain that you’re eager to work for this company in whatever way you can.â€Å"Describe your pace.†Depending on the job and company, your potential employer might be looking for a speed demon (particularly if the job description says â€Å"fast-paced environment† or mentions multitasking or juggling) or they might want someone with a steady, reliable pace. Try to figure out what would fit the company best, but answer honestly. You won’t want to fib about this if you work one way or the other.â€Å"What are you looking for in your next job?†Say what? Why would you tell them that, when clearly your next job of choice is their job. Basically, your interviewer wants to make sure that your goals match that of their company. Frame your answer to highlight the overlap between the requirements listed on the job posting and your skillset. And be honest. What about this company excites you or epitomizes a value that you hold dear?â€Å"How do you handle stress/pressure?†Part-time jobs aren’t necessarily part-time stress. Your interviewer is trying to understand your temperament, ability to problem-solve, and grace under fire. For extra credit, give an example of a time when you handled a particularly stressful situation in an old job. Maybe even mention how stress is a good motivator for you and how a fast-paced environ ment keeps you moving and busy, which you prefer.â€Å"Talk about a situation in which you failed.†No one likes talking about their failures, particularly not at a job interview. But showing how you learn from mistakes and failures is important- even for a part-time employer.â€Å"How do you deal with unhappy clients/customers?†If your part-time job would involve customer service or client relations of any kind, this question will probably come up. Hopefully you have some relevant experience to draw from with concrete examples. Showcase your conflict resolution skills.â€Å"What are your questions for me?†Yup. Just like any other job interview, a part-time gig will still ask you if you have any questions for the interviewer, and you’ll still have to come up with some intelligent and thoughtful ones- or risk not being in contention for the job. Reiterate your interest in the position and show that you’ve been thinking about how working there would b e and ways that it would be mutually beneficial.

To what Extend can a Measure of National Income (GDP) Give an Coursework

To what Extend can a Measure of National Income (GDP) Give an Indication on How Well a Population is Doing - Coursework Example These assumptions and suggestions from both sides will be analyzed as to which side is actually more capable to justify their stance. David Cameron, the British prime minister, stated at near the end of 2010 that happiness cannot be measured by money and that it was time when the humans gained some maturity and realize that money is not the most important thing in life and there are other factors such as family, culture and relationships which influence the happiness of a person (Stratton, 2010). What Mr. David Cameron and his advisors suggest here that rather than GDP, the Gross National Happiness (GNP) is a more accurate measure of the people’s happiness. The concept of GNH or Gross National Happiness was first introduced in 1972 by the Bhutanese King, Jigme Singye Wangchuck, who coined this term in an effort to ensure that the society was truly happy from inside and not just motivated by money. Research then started on this topic and there were several suggestions which com bined to form the satisfaction and happiness in a person’s life. ... forums, it has been argued that money is not the only contributing factor to wellness and happiness, but they admit that it is one of the most important factors. The argument, that there are more important things in life that contributes to the true development of humans, is based upon the simple observation that the richest countries in the world are not necessarily the happiest. Philippines is not a very rich country and their gross domestic product per capita is considered at around $3500 which makes it clear that there are economies and nations who have much higher GDP per capita than that of Philippines. If GDP would really have been the only contributor in the wellness and happiness of a person, then there would have been much happier nations around than Philippines. However, this is not true because the Filipinos are considered to be one of the happiest nations in the world and they are always smiling around very much satisfied with their life. The main reason of the happiness and satisfaction of their life despite their low GDP is the culture and the presence of their families. Philippines have a very collectivist lifestyle and they like to live with their families and prefer their own culture rather than adopting it from outside their community. When they get this culture, it is only fitting that they are happy in what they have. (Cassandra, 2010) Figure 1: United Kingdom GDP Growth Rate (Trading Economics, n.d.) The figure above, Figure 1, shows the changes in the gross domestic product in United Kingdom in the year 2011. The graph shows that the there were fluctuations in the GDP growth rate throughout the different quarters of financial year 2011-12. However, this does not necessarily means that the happiness and well being of the UK population was also

Social learning theories Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 4000 words

Social learning theories - Essay Example At the time when populations were expansively diffused, the implications of any particular aggressive act were primarily restricted to individuals whom the act was aimed at. Under circumstances of modernised life, in which the wellbeing of groups of inhabitants depends upon harmonious functioning of complex mutually supporting systems, aggressive behaviour that can be effortlessly carried out without demanding complicated mechanism immediately damages enormous numbers of people (Geen, 2001). Interest over the destructive implications of aggression confuses the reality that such behaviour normally has purposeful importance for the user. Certainly, there is a characteristic distinct to aggression that commonly generates circumstances cultivating its incidence. Dissimilar to social behaviours that are not useful without a degree of reciprocity satisfactory to the partakers, aggression does not necessitate eager receptiveness from others for its effectiveness (Moeller, 2001). An individual can harm and destroy to self-benefit despite of whether the victim agrees to it or not. Through destructive behaviour, or authority through verbal and physical coercion, individuals can gain important resources, modify rules to suit their personal desires, acquire power over and haul out compliableness from others, get rid of circumstances that negatively influence their wellbeing, and break down barriers that hamper or interrupt realisation of desired objectives. Hence, actions that are harsh for the victim can be gratifying for the one committing the aggressive act. Though aggression has several various roots its practical value certainly contributes greatly to the occurrence of such behaviour in the dealings of everyday existence (Moeller, 2001). Throughout the years several theories have been suggested to clarify why individuals act

A journal article in the family and consumer science

A journal in the family and consumer science - Article Example Finally, a strong balance of personal reaction as well as summarized information would be included. The article entitled â€Å"Promoting Partnerships for Healthy Youth† was written by Gulley (2011) and published in the Journal of Family and Consumer Sciences Education. The author clearly stated that the purpose of the project was â€Å"to deliver a school-based health promotion program†¦ (where) the aim of the program was to increase nutrition knowledge, promote a healthy body mass index and encourage a healthy body image among children in grades four through seven, residing in a small rural community in southwest Virginia† (Gulley, 2011, p. 47). Through providing a theoretical background that establishes the need for school-based health promotion, as evidenced by the reported incidences of obesity and prevalence of overweight children, Gulley examined school-based interventions to determine their effectiveness prior to proposed implementation. The key elements present in the discourse used the joint efforts of university and community partnership as the main agencies to promote health and enhance awareness of school children on the relevance of an identified program, the Healthy Weights for Healthy Kids (HWHK). As revealed, the HWHK â€Å"a school-based health education program, developed by Cooperative Extension Specialists at Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, which focuses on promoting positive attitudes and behaviors related to food, drinks, physical activity, and body image (Serrano, 2003)† (Gulley, 2011, p. 48). There were six identified key topics from which the HWHK’s curriculum was premised and guided by the Experiential Learning Model, to wit: â€Å"(1) Smart Foods, (2) Smart Choices, (3) Smart Drinks, (4) Smart Snacks, (5) Smart Activities and (6) Smart Image† (Gulley, 2011, p. 48). By measuring students’ knowledge on attitudes

Is multicultural-nationalism possible?

Is multicultural-nationalism possible? Introduction: Nations- states used to be the premier and most important form of human gathering, where this implies that this entity does have the necessary requirements of existence as a state such as (people, territory, sovereignty, etc) along with having just one nation within its territorial borders. This was later changed due to the influx of immigration all over the world where immigrants move between countries either because of wars or seeking employment and better economic conditions or any other necessitating reason. This phenomenon led to the situation we are facing recently that almost all states now are culturally or religiously or ethnically diverse. Popper states this in such a criticizing way, Principle of the national state is not only inapplicable†¦it is a myth†¦and utopian dream†¦. So, having multinational states became a fact that we have to deal with. The coinciding between the states borders and the inclusion of a nation is no longer the only form of countries. There are even cases when there are stateless nations. This made Connor observes that now we can almost find only seven nation-states remaining, he named them: the Netherlands, Denmark, Portugal, Japan, Luxembourg, Iceland and Norway. To be able to deal with such multinational states, we need to understand what both (multiculturalism and nationalism) mean. This will help us answer the main question of the paper; whether multicultural nationalism is applicable or not? Nationalism and multiculturalism: Nationalism is deeply related to nations, being the social phenomenon that refers to the unique relation between individuals and their homeland. Citizens identify with their nation through the commonalities they share (history, values, myths, identity, language, customs †¦etc). A central aspect of nationalism is that the individuals identity is being formulated through their membership to their society. Nationalism has different forms where Sweeney identifies four types: The Civic Nationalism which is a desirable form of nationalism since it focuses on the civic values that unites the citizens, it stresses on both the territorial and cultural bonds and thus manages to recognize the various ethnic communities. The Ethnic Nationalism whose focal point is the common descent. The State Nationalism which calls for the superiority and the dominance of the ethnicity of the majority and finally Multicultural Nationalism which is a new phenomenon arising form the era of globalization we are living in and the high degree of interdependence that we witness all over the globe. Usually, both (civic and state nationalisms) are referred to as top-down nationalism being directed by the state institutions, unlike the (ethnic nationalism) which depends upon the public, arising from the bottom to up. From Sweeneys famous typology, we can see how both the ethnic and state nationalisms are traditional forms of nationalism , unlike the other two types which are more modern and also similar in some aspects. Brown defines multicultural nationalism as, a vision of community which respects and promotes the cultural economy and status equality of its component ethnic group. This means it goes beyond the mere civic tolerance towards the different communities within the society, rather it respects them and is interested in such diversity. That is why I consider it wider than the civic nationalism since it encompasses it all; recognition of diversity, tolerance, respect and interest in promoting such diversity through different governmental and societal mechanisms. Generally, Nationalism is perceived as a positive movement which is needed to strengthen the loyalty of nationals towards their country, uniting them to fulfil the national interests. But with the rise of multinational states, whether due to the existence of minorities, immigrants or indigenous groups, this claim is being questioned. Nationalism is no longer merely perceived as a positive force, rather now it is a double sided force. Through observing history we notice how sometimes violent banal nationalist movements lead to bloody wars and confrontations between different national groups especially when each of them is promoting their nationalism or if there is a minority which is calling for self independence. This can be seen clearly in what used to happen between the Scottish and the British in the United Kingdom. Thus, a rationalization of nationalist sentiments is what is needed nowadays to strike a balance between the new phenomenon of multinational states. On the other side, Multiculturalism is not only a phenomenon; it is considered as both a descriptive demographic term to describe the existence of culturally different groups within a certain society; It refers to this feature of having multiple cultural and/or ethnic and/or religious backgrounds between the citizens, and it is also seen as a political concept to refer to the public policies adopted by a specific government to deal with the cultural diversity within its society where it calls for mutual respect and tolerance and acceptance for the diversity. As a public policy, multiculturalism first emerged in Canada to solve the problem between the French and the English divisions. Parekh succinctly describes what multiculturalism means in this quote; â€Å"Multiculturalism doesnt simply mean numerical plurality of different cultures, but rather a community which is creating, guaranteeing, encouraging spaces within which different communities are able to grow at their pace. At the same time it means creating a public space in which these communities are able to interact, enrich the existing culture and create a new consensual culture in which they recognize reflections of their own identity† Like nationalism, multiculturalism also has different types. Grillo distinguishes between two kinds: the weak multiculturalism and strong multiculturalism where the former exists when multiculturalism only prevails in the private sphere while in the public sphere all citizens are required to fully assimilate and get absorbed within the majoritarian culture and values forgetting about their own culture ,while the latter exits when cultural diversity is recognized both in the public and private spheres, allowing the immigrants and minorities to preserve their national identity while integrating with the whole society. Multiculturalism is considered an inescapable situation we have to deal with, bearing in mind that huge efforts should be exerted by the state and the wider society to ensure that the diversity within any one society leads to unity and exchange of benefits between cultures, rather than disintegration and ghettoization. From this, we can see how both nationalism and multiculturalism are desirable phenomena on condition that their limitations are avoided, promoting only their positive side. Is Multicultural Nationalism possible? An important question rises about whether nationalism can be multicultural or not? Can they both coexist together? Kernerman highlights that the main objective of multicultural nationalism is striking a balance between both the diversity and the unity of the state, so that state is able to preserve its national sentiments and identity while at the same time promoting diversity and multiculturalism. He believes that the main question to answer is; how are the various manifestations of diversity to be recognized and understood in relation to one another and to the political community? It is important to notice that we will focus in here on the multicultural state nationalism which tackles the way of dealing with the immigrants, accommodating them within the society while preserving the states original national identity. But, it is important to mention that on the other hand there is the multicultural sub- state nationalism which is concerned with the sub state nationalisms within countries. But, it is not the focus of this paper. To understand how multicultural state nationalism exists, it is important to examine the states response and its policies regarding immigrants and the relation between those immigrants and the society as a whole to discover the possibility of having strong common feelings uniting all the citizens no matter where they originally come from. Can a multicultural society achieve both integration of immigrants while achieving national unity and cohesion? The paradox of multicultural societies: Nationalism vs. Multiculturalism? A debatable issue always takes place in multicultural societies and that is how to achieve the states national unity? Some suggest equal treatment for all citizens regardless of their origin; religion or ethnicity and that citizenship should be difference blind, while others believe this is illogical, calling for the recognition of differences and even going further calling for the adoption of policies that reflect these differences. This second approach believes that this will be more integrative to immigrants fostering their sense of loyalty and belonging to the society. Due to this endless debate, we find that immigrants and minorities issues are gaining attention in states policies and debates, issues such as (minorities rights, immigrants representation, collective rights, states loyalty†¦etc). This increases the role of the state especially that such issues can not be left to the different communities within the society to resolve especially when each one of them will be aiming at deepening their national identity more than the others identities. This will lead to disunity and absence of common loyalty. That is why the state should be the main actor in the creation of a common identity that bonds all the citizens including the immigrants. This identity should be as inclusive as possible focusing more on civic symbols and signifiers rather than cultural and ethnic ones. Different states differ in the way they fulfil this role depending upon their histories, their legal frameworks, their national interests†¦etc. But, all states should ai m at ensuring that its national identity is preserved and not threatened by immigrants, rather is being inclusive for them. Parekh highlights an important equation that is needed to achieve this: â€Å"If immigrants are to make an emotional commitment to society, the latters view of its national identity needs to be inclusive and hospitable enough for them to identify with it. Its self understanding should take full account of their presence; its view of its history should include the story of their arrival, settlement and contributions; its official symbols should symbolize them as well, and not be allowed to become the monopoly of a section of it; its national events should recognize their presence and contributions and not become occasions to display the solidarity of the rest of society against them†. One of the best ways to achieve such equation is through the creation of a sense of common belonging between citizens. Such a process is double sided; it requires the efforts of both the immigrants from one side and the state along with the wider society form another side. Both should aim at fulfilling its duties so that its rights can be met by the other side. This is even formulated as one of the EU common basic principles of immigrants integration policy as follows: Integration is a dynamic, two-way process of mutual accommodation by all immigrants and residents of the Member States On the immigrants side, They do have the right to ask for certain claims from the government and even modifications within the polices of the governmental institutions so as to help them better integrate in the society but it is necessary for them to fulfill their obligations as citizens, being the only way they can secure that their rights will be met by the state. Since immigrants settled willingly in the host society, they are expected to be loyal and to abide by the laws and rules of this society, especially that it is the rights of the nationals to act upon the preservation of their own society where they lived their whole lives, offering sacrifices for maintaining its well being. Consequently, immigrants must prove they are loyal to the society, showing all signs of good faith. This comes in different forms; (respecting the constitution and laws, being productive workers to add economic value, interacting socially and politically with the wider society†¦etc). This will make the immigrants an inseparable necessary component within the host society being active loyal citizens. But still this does not require them breaking ties with their original homelands, but they just are expected to be committed to the well being of the host society. In return to this, the immigrants can claim some cultural rights from the host society, such as: Asking to be excluded from some laws that may be hindering some of their religious practices. The state needs to take such claims into consideration because it will show how the state respects the immigrants cultures even if their practices are differently perceived from the majority but still as long as they are not harmful for the wider society, they should be allowed to practice them. Calling for assistance to pursue some activities which help them get integrated within the society. Such as helping them acquire the cultural competence needed to adapt with the society (offering language classes, teaching them the societal life style, having publications about the societys traditions, customs and history†¦). Also, sometimes this assistance is needed to overcome disadvantages that prevent the immigrants from practicing some of their rights or daily life practices, either because they are discriminated against and in this case the state is required to fight this racism or because these practices or activities were designed in a way that only fits the majority without considering others. Immigrants can ask to be properly represented in the states institutions and governmental bodies so as to have voices that call for their rights and needs and to allocate them their shares of the public resources. Such a mechanism also helps greatly in fighting discrimination. Thos representatives can ask for some symbolic representation to the minorities such as national holiday or official name for the minority†¦etc. The state and the wider society on the other hand should be meeting the other side of the equation by helping the immigrants to integrate, taking all the measures that can help in this. From observation, we can notice that the states integration policies differed over time due to some changes that took place such as: The influx in immigration especially that the old assumption that their number will decreases or that they will dissolve in the society did not happen, on the contrary they are increasing steadily compared to the western societies birth rates, especially that these societies are facing an ageing problem. The increase in the immigrants consciousness about their rights due to the increase in the human rights organizations along with the democratic movements that make equality and justice basic priorities that can not be negotiated. Thus, this encourages minorities to have representatives calling for their needs and rights. Such changes increased the necessity to respect the minorities and immigrants rights and it added a burden over the states to meet their role in integrating the immigrants within their societies. Consequently, from the states side, there must be a commitment to help the immigrants integrate getting over any disadvantages they have (lack of knowledge about host society, being stereotyped†¦). The state needs to work on different levels to fulfill this role: The state needs to address the exclusion problems that face the immigrants who get discriminated against in many spheres of life especially economically and socially .The state must set penalties on discriminatory acts against immigrants being illegal, this will increase the immigrants loyalty to the state, being just to them, looking after their rights. But, if the state did not respond to discrimination taking place, the immigrants will feel inferior and more alienated which make them easily attracted by terrorist organizations. The state needs to adopt policies that help the immigrants get over any disadvantages they face due to their transitional positions as we stated earlier (language classes, citizenship classes, equal employment opportunities†¦etc).Such policies may be accused of being discriminatory, but actually they are not since the immigrants are usually the least advantaged category in any society. The state also shall make changes to the educational system so as to be more multicultural. This will help in creating attachments and a sense of belonging between the students and the citizens afterwards by fostering values such as tolerance, mutual respect and understanding, respect for diversityetc. These values are necessary in such multinational societies as it ensures that each community preserves its national culture and identity but still all communities will be sharing one common civic identity that tighten the relations between them for the good of the society. This shall be leading to active citizens who are both responsible and productive. Such multicultural education will be teaching the students about the relationship with The other. this learning process will enhance their critical thinking about themselves and the immigrants. They may include histories about how these minorities contributed to the host society or mentioning their major historical events and national h olidays. All this shall be implemented in a multicultural educational atmosphere where the administrators and teachers are all committed to promoting diversity and protecting the cultures of the students while fostering a common sense of identity. Also, the civil society does play a role in bringing together different communities together in shared activities and interests to increase their sense of having a civic common identity which transcends the ethnic and national differences, while everyone is still retaining its own national identity and culture. How to make these efforts work together while avoiding the critics stated against them? These are the efforts and roles that need to be pursued by the state, the immigrants and the civil society. Cooperating together to ensure the preservation of a common sense of identity along with the preservation of each ones national culture and identity, helps greatly in the success of the integration of the immigrants within the host society easily and quickly. It makes them integrated without being alienated or discriminated against. We find at the end by looking at different multicultural societies how all the communities are cooperating together having many shred interests and feeling a common sense of loyalty to the society, while at the same time they all feel both equal and different. This is the equation that need to be maintained; to assure that the national identity of the state (of the host society) is preserved while being inclusive to other different national communities through an over arching civic identity. These efforts sometimes are criticized by being discriminatory to nationals in favor of immigrants as stated earlier- but it is not, it just an engine for affirmative actions since the disadvantages faced by immigrants are much more than other citizens face. Also, some analysts think that such efforts are repressive imposing obligatory civic integration from above on the whole society. To avoid this we must ensure that the process of integration is smoothly undertaken , ensuring the help of all sectors of the society (civil society, citizens, local association, the government, the immigrants†¦etc) to assure the shared willingness of all to be one common whole, facing any disadvantages that may arise to achieve the common good for the whole state and the wider host society without threatening anyones culture or national identity, rather being more inclusive and more understandable to all differences while maintaining one common civic ground. An important mechanism that can be a safe guard that integration is not imposed rather is a natural flow of interaction between the different communities is through encouraging dialogues between these communities with their different cultural backgrounds both through their representatives and between normal citizens as well. This dialogue it will help them understands one another culture and creating more common grounds between them. On the other hand, it will be asserting every ones loyalty to his/her own national identity through critical analysis and constructive self criticisms. Such actions shall be ensuring on the long run that both the differences are understandably respected and that the states national identity is protected and even enriched through dialogue. Others believe that on the contrary, the states now are less willing to accept/ integrate immigrants rather they count on their immigration policies as a mechanism to lessen immigrants entrance. But this is exaggerating, where although it is true that some countries have every strict immigration policies but still others are moderate. Countries in general tend to refine the immigrants accepted to entry to ensure the success of its integration policies according to its societal framework. Such immigration policies try to make sure that immigrants will be an added value to the society not an economic burden and that they are willing to commit to be good citizens to ensure a peaceful multicultural society that both preserves it identity while respecting its diversity. But still an important basic rule should be taken into consideration, immigration policies ought to be seeking the national interests of the state as a priority and in applying such a vision, it can not be accused of intol erance or discrimination against prospective citizens as long as it is logical in its requirements and limits. By avoiding these limitations and consolidating all parties efforts, multiculturalism and state nationalism will be coexisting peacefully. Conclusion: As Brown believes that when a country adopts the ideology of a multicultural nationalism it means; the nation is viewed as a community bound by a commitment to the values of ethnic diversity and inter-ethnic equity An authentic multicultural state nationalism can flourish when both diversity and state national identity are being promoted and respected. Multicultural governance can achieve that with its focus on having a strong active citizenship along with a respected multicultural societal framework. Such multicultural authority not only protects diversity found within the society, rather it also works on flourishing it. In this way the citizens -including immigrants- can belong to the nation state as a whole while at the same time keeping their attachment to their cultural or ethnic community. Multicultural governance, with the different state policies that aim at integrating the immigrants and with the efforts of both the private and civil associations along with the commitment of the immigrants to be loyal integrated citizens, creates a society where cultural freedoms are protected and national state identity is also asserted. The state needs to put in mind while doing her national policie s that immigrants are citizens in training who need all the help and support to lead a good life in the host society where they can be active loyal citizens. It should be noticed by now how multiculturalism neither negates nor avoids nationalism rather it just implies a society with various internal micro nationalisms. That is why they can work together as long as the efforts undertaken are genuine seeking the creation of spaces where various cultures are respected without weakening the states national identity. Since multiculturalism goes beyond tolerance towards recognition of others, it entails the reassertion of all identities and cultures involved in such an interaction.

Drown Compare & contrast :: essays research papers

In this Paper I will compare and contrast the some of the relationships in "Everyday Use" by Alice Walker, to Drown by Junot Diaz. Dee and maggie are sister in "Everyday Use". Dee is outgoing and ambitious, Maggie is shy and lazy. Maggie envies Dee, but also fears her. They act more like co-workers than siblings. In the story they don't appear to interact with each other often, which makes it difficult to develop a relationship.From the story it doesn't illustrate them ever having a close connection probably due to Maggie's shyness and envy. Alice Walker writes "Maggie will be be nervous until after her sister goes: she will stand hopelessly in corners homely and ashamed of the burn scars down her arms and legs, eyeing her sister with a mixture of envy and awe. She thinks her sister has held life always in the palm of one hand, that "no" is a word never learned to say to her." Dee(Wangero) is the most dominant one out of the two, which is no surprise since she tries take the quilts from Dee (Wangero). I found it I found it odd that she wanted those quilts because of her he ritage, when she completely disgraced her heritage when she traded her own name in for Wangero. Alice writes : "You know as well as me yhou was named after you aunt Dicie." I said. Dicie is my sister, She name Dee. We called her "Big Dee" after Dee was born. "But who was she named after?" asked Wangero. "I guess agter Grandma Dee," I said. "And who was she name after?" asked Wangero. "Her mother," I said, and saw Wangero was getting tired. "That's about as far back as I can trace it," I said. Though, in fact, I probably could have carried it back beyond the civil war through the branches. Her name had been passed down from generation to generation before Dee received it. Obviously the name had great importance in her family. Her mother could trace the name back to the civil war and connect it with specific people in her family. Alice Walker write's "you just don't understand," she said , as Maggie and I came out to the car. "what don't I understand?" I wanted to know. "Your heritage," she said".She criticize her mother about not understanding their heritage though, she places her heritage on those quilts instead of continuing the family name that was handed down to her.

How has the role of the nation-state changed in a globalised society?

Introduction There has been considerable debate about whether globalisation has changed the role of the nation-state. While a somewhat nebulous concept, a nation-state can be defined as a geopolitical entity deriving its legitimacy through the service of a sovereign population or nation (Holton 2011; Croucher 2004). Globalisation can be loosely understood as the increasing political, cultural, and economic interaction of international populations (Al-Rodhan et al. 2006). This essay will look at the changing role of the nation-state in the modern period of globalisation (post-WWII), although there is certainly much to be said about earlier periods. In terms of structure, it will begin by considering economic, political, and cultural changes. This will be juxtaposed by the following section outlining arguments that downplay the relationship between globalisation and the nation-state. It will be concluded that the nation-state has undergone substantial change in the globalised world, but that there remains a great deal of structural continuity. Globalisation has the changed the economic role of the nation-state in several respects. Cerny (1995) suggests an erosion of the ability to provide all three main kinds of public good: regulatory, productive/distributive, and redistributive. One ‘good’ in the first category is a stable currency, the control of which has traditionally fallen within the remit of the national banks or their equivalents. This is still theoretically true, but today foreign governments, organisations, or even individuals can play a critical role because of globalisation. One need only consider Black Wednesday (16 September, 1992) in Britain, when George Soros ‘broke the Bank of England’ by short-selling the pound, or the gradual accumulation of American dollars by China due to the latter’s trade surplus, to see how globalisation has stripped the nation-state of much of its power in terms of controlling currency. In the world o f rapid communication, especially via the internet, the situation has become even more difficult to control (Goksel 2004; Evans 1997; Cerny 1995). In addition, globalisation often means the presence of numerous foreign firms within national borders, which can lead to currency fluctuations as a result of foreign remittances. The rapid transfer of economic instability across borders, as was the case during the global financial crisis (2007-8) or the financial crisis in East Asia (1997-8), shows how the role of the nation-state in maintaining economic order has been eroded more generally (Goksel 2004). It is argued by Strange (1997) and others that the balance of economic power has shifted in favour of multinational corporations (MNCs). They believe this process began in earnest in the 1960s and 1970s because of foreign direct investment (FDI) from the USA, but that it has increased since the 1980s due to the influence of Japanese and Western European FDI. The recent revelation that th e Trans-Pacific Partnership might bring in legislation allowing MNCs to override American national laws, by appealing to an international tribunal, suggests that there might soon be a significant reduction in the economic powers of the nation-state (Carter 2012). It is impossible to speak of the economic effects of globalisation without also discussing the political consequences. The most important forces in this respect are the supranational bodies to which many nation-states now belong, such as the EU (European Union), which regulates the labour markets, industrial organisation, business practices and trade conditions of its member states. Moreover, the majority of member states have relinquished their former currencies in favour of the Euro, which has meant transference of monetary policy over from sovereign national banks to the European Central Bank (ECB) (Goksel 2004). There are a significant number of other trade blocs (customs unions, common markets, monetary unions) across the globe, such as NAFTA (North American Free Trade Agreement) or the SAARC (South American Association for Regional Cooperation), which operate under similar conditions. These are symptoms and perpetuators of globalisation, all of which represent a diminishment of the economic independence of nation-states. In the 20th century there has been a blossoming of trade blocs, but it should be noted that they go back long before the era of modern globalisation, with the first probably being the 13th-century Hanseatic League (Milner 2002). Large political collectives have had a significant effect on the role of the nation-state in other respects. The state’s role in the globalised world often now includes broader, international objectives focused on sweeping environmental, social, economic or other concerns (Evans 1997). The EU has a budget to which member states must contribute, which further reduces the economic sovereignty of participating nation-states (Wolf 2001; Holton 2011; G oksel 2004). Likewise, groups such as the G7, G8, and G20, which consist of the largest economies in the world, impose new obligations on nation-states, related to issues such as energy consumption, ozone depletion, or acid rain, among others (Goksel 2004). Some of obligations date back many decades, such as the United Nations’ (UN) Universal Declaration of Human Rights, adopted by the UN General Assembly in December 1948. The importance of supranational political actors in particular can perhaps best be seen in the security sphere. Historically, the defence of the populous has been one of the central roles of the nation-state, and to certain extent the main justification for its power (Held 1998; Held and McGrew 1998). It is noted by Strange (1997) that this obligation has largely been removed in some cases from the hands of individual nations, which rely instead on multilateral agreements. As Goksel (2004: 2) puts it, ‘Armies are often kept not so much to enforce terr itorial claims or to extend them, but rather to maintain civil order.’ The state’s role in providing defence has been altered in order to allow it to fit into a new system of global defence agreements. The traditional military role of the nation-state, which focused on ‘the acquisition, employment and use of military force to achieve national goals’, has been abandoned in many cases today (Held 1998: 226). In a certain sense this is fitting because there are now many global security concerns, such as terrorism, that require multilateral cooperation in matters of intelligence gathering. This has diminished the traditional role of the nation-state in guiding its own defence policy, but in some cases it has enhanced its position. For example, Hobsbawm (2007: 137) believes that by exaggerating the terrorist threat American has been ‘inventing enemies that legitimise the expansion and use of its global power’. Globalisation has perhaps expanded and diminished the security role of the nation-state, depending on where one looks. In either case, however, there has been change. There is also a cultural argument to be considered. The nation-state has been an important locus of identity for individuals and communities for centuries. How long exactly is a matter of fierce controversy, and this topic has divided IR (international relations) scholars into three dominant schools: the primordialists, the ethnosymbolists (e.g., Smith 1987, 1995, 2009), and the modernists (e.g., Hobsbawn 1990; Anderson 1983; Gellner 1983). In any case, it is argued by modernists such as Hobsbawm (1990) that the nation-state’s role as a cultural and social identifier is gradually being eroded as supranational alternatives emerge. This is supported by the fact that in a globalised society flows of information and ideas are rapid, unpredictable, and unrestricted by national boundaries. Platforms such as the internet, for example, are the great facilit ators of new forms of indentify that chip away at the traditional position of the nation-state (Hobsbawm 1990). It is not universally accepted, however, that the role of the nation-state has changed in the globalised world. There has been particular criticism of the idea that globalisation might lead to the ‘end of the nation-state’ or otherwise drastically diminish its role, arguments synonymous with the modernist school of International Relations (e.g., Evans 1997; Strange 1997; Ohmae 1995; Hobsbawm 1990; Gellner 1983). Holton (2011) argues that nation-states are still the most important of the actors in the global sphere, despite the influence of supranational organisations. For Holton, it is simply the case that the role of the nation-state has to be reframed in global terms. He does, however, acknowledge that some have experienced a curtailment of their economic and political role through a lack of bargaining power, as the cases of the budgetary crisis in EU member states, such as Greece, Portugal, Ireland and Spain, reveal. Hirst and Thompson (1996) do not believe that any trend towards a more globalised world (something they are sceptical of in the first place) has had a significant impact on the nation-state. They note that while decisions are often passed on to multinational bodies, it falls to individual countries to make decisions within this framework. One might argue, however, that arguments such as this underestimate the independence of self-contained, highly secretive governing bodies such as the European Commission. Hirst and Thompson (1996) are particularly critical of the suggestion that globalisation has diminished the role of the nation-state, contending instead that the enhanced ‘possibilities of national and international governance’ have actually strengthened it. Gilpin (2000) takes a similar line, arguing that many of the changes in the role of the nation-state cannot be attributed to increasing globalisation. Rather, they are part of a pattern dating back to before WWI when the Gold Standard was in place. Indeed, the Gold Standard is a relic of the pre-globalisation world, yet it stripped the state of currency control nearly to the same extent as modern monetary unions (Gilpin 2000). Through this lens, the ‘state may be reverting to its 19th-century role in the economy’, which suggests that many of the changes seen today would be equally operative in the ‘pre-globalisation’ world. Goksel (2004) argues that although globalisation has changed the role of the nation-state, it is important not to view this as something that was guaranteed to happen. In this sense he argues against the ‘deterministic approach’ of scholars such as Strange (1997). This is valid observation with reference to certain elements of globalisation, and it is true that in theory no nation-state is obliged to submit powers to supranational organisations. However, it is not valid wi th regard to issues such as the dissemination of technology, where the role of the state in controlling national information was always going to be diminished as the world become more globalised. Goksel (2004: 11) also points to the fact that in a very basic way the role of the nation-state has remained the same as ‘there are structural obstacles to the withering away of the state. Votes have to be cast somewhere, taxes have to be paid to particular authorities, which can be held accountable for public services such as education and health. Moreover, states continue to create a regulatory environment for their economies.’ Arguments such as these highlight the importance of not overstating the case for globalisation as a force for change. In conclusion, the role of the nation-state has been reformed by the globalised world. There are a few possible exceptions to this, such as the highly insular North Korea, but such cases are anomalies. In economic terms, there has been a tendency either for the state to lose power to supranational bodies, or to have it eroded by global forces largely beyond its control. The same is true of the political sphere, in which nation-states have generally found their freedoms curtailed by wider forces, or in some cases extended due to advantageous positioning within multinational organisations, such as is the case with the United States and the UN. Nevertheless, there has been an element of structural consistency in the role of nation-states insofar as they are still the predominant actors in international politics, and most of the functions of supranational and other bodies rely on them. The nation-state remains indispensible and arguments that suggest its demise are overstated. The boundaries of this debate, however, are far from fixed, as the proposed legislation related to corporations and the Trans-Pacific Partnership demonstrates. No doubt it is too early to predict the future of the nation-state in the globalised world, but it has certainly undergone change so far. Word count: 1986 Reference List: Al-Rodhan, R.F. Nayef and Stoudmann, G. (2006). Definitions of Globalization: A Comprehensive Overview and a Proposed Definition http://www.sustainablehistory.com/articles/definitions-of-globalization.pdf [Retrieved 06/01/2014] Carter, Z. (2012) Obama Trade Document Leaked, Revealing New Corporate Powers and Broken Campaign Promises. Huffington Post http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2012/06/13/obama-trade-document-leak_n_1592593.html [Retrieved 05/01/2014] Cerny, P. G. (1995) Globalisation and the Changing Logic of Collective Action, International Organization, 49 (4), pp. 595-625 Croucher, S. L. (2004) Globalization and Belonging, Lanham, Md.: Rowman &? Littlefield. Evans, P. (1997) The Eclipse of the State?: Reflections on Stateness in an Era of Globalisation, World Politics, 50, pp. 62-87 Gellner, E. (1983) Nation and Nationalism, Blackwell: Oxford Gilpin, R. (2000) The Challenge of Global Capitalism, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press Goksel. N. K. (2004) Globalisation and the State, Centre for Strategic Research http://sam.gov.tr/globalisation-and-the-state/ [Retrieved 06/01/2014] Held, D. (1989) Political Theory and the Modern State, Stanford California: Stanford University Press Held, D. and McGrew, A. (1998) The End of the Old OrderReview of International Studies, 24 Hirst, P. Q. and Thompson, G. (1996) Globalisation in Question: The International Economy and the Possibilities of Governance, Cambridge: Blackwell Hobsbawm E. (1990) Nations and Nationalism since 1780, Cambridge University Press Hobsbawm, E (2007) Globalisation, Democracy and Terrorism, London: Abacus Holton, R. J. (2011) Globalization and the Nation State, (2nd ed.) Basingstoke: Palgrave, Macmillan Milner, H. V (2002) International Trade in Carlsnaes, W.; Risse, T., Simmons, B. A., Handbook of International Relations. London: SAGE Publications. Ohmae, K. (1995) The End of the Nation State: The Rise of Regional Economies, London: Harper Collins Shaw, M. (1997) The state of globalisation : towards a theory of state transformation. Review of International Political Economy, 4, 3, pp. 497-513 Smith, A. D, (2009) Ethno-symbolism and Nationalism: A Cultural Approach, Routledge Strange, S. (1997) The Erosion of the State, Current History, 96 (613), pp. 365-369 Wolf, M. (2001) Will the Nation-State Survive GlobalisationForeign Affairs, Vol. 80, 1, pp. 178-190

Social Criticism In Literature Essays - Criticism, Discrimination

Social Criticism In Literature Essays - Criticism, Discrimination Social Criticism in Literature Many authors receive their inspiration for writing their literature from outside sources. The idea for a story could come from family, personal experiences, history, or even their own creativity. For authors that choose to write a book based on historical events, the inspiration might come from their particular viewpoint on the event that they want to dramatize. George Orwell and Charles Dickens wrote Animal Farm and A Tale of Two Cities, respectively, to express their disillusionment with society and human nature. Animal Farm, written in 1944, is a book that tells the animal fable of a farm in which the farm animals revolt against their human masters. It is an example of social criticism in literature in which Orwell satirized the events in Russia after the Bolshevik Revolution. He anthropomorphises the animals, and alludes each one to a counterpart in Russian history. A Tale of Two Cities also typifies this kind of literature. Besides the central theme of love, is another prevalent theme, that of a revolution gone bad. He shows us that, unfortunately, human nature causes us to be vengeful and, for some of us, overly ambitious. Both these books are similar in that both describe how, even with the best of intentions, our ambitions get the best of us. Both authors also demonstrate that violence and the Machiavellian attitude of "the ends justifying the means" are deplorable. George Orwell wrote Animal Farm, ". . . to discredit the Soviet system by showing its inhumanity and its back-sliding from ideals [he] valued . . ."(Gardner, 106) Orwell noted that " there exists in England almost no literature of disillusionment with the Soviet Union.' Instead, that country is viewed either with ignorant disapproval' or with uncritical admiration.'"(Gardner, 96) The basic synopsis is this: Old Major, an old boar in Manor Farm, tells the other animals of his dream of "animalism": " . . . Only get rid of Man, and the produce of our labour would be our own. Almost overnight we would become rich and free.'" (Orwell, 10) The other animals take this utopian idea to heart, and one day actually do revolt and drive the humans out. Two pigs emerge as leaders: Napoleon and Snowball. They coneztly argued, but one day, due to a difference over plans to build a windmill, Napoleon exiled Snowball. Almost immediately, Napoleon established a totalitarian government. Soon, the pigs began to get special favours, until finally, they were indistinguishable from humans to the other animals. Immediately the reader can begin to draw parallels between the book's characters and the government in 1917-44 Russia. For example, Old Major, who invented the idea of "animalism," is seen as representing Karl Marx, the creator of communism. Snowball represents Trotsky, a Russian leader after the revolution. He was driven out by Napoleon, who represents Stalin, the most powerful figure in the country. Napoleon then proceeded to remove the freedoms of the animals, and established a dictatorship, under the public veil of "animalism." Pigs represent the ruling class because of their stereotype: dirty animals with insatiable appetites. Boxer, the overworked, incredibly strong, dumb horse represents the common worker in Russia. The two surrounding farms represent two of the countries on the global stage with Russia at the time, Germany and England. Orwell begins his book by criticizing the capitalists and ruling elite, who are represented in Animal Farm by Mr. Jones, the farmer. He is shown as a negligent drunk, who coneztly starved his animals. "His character is already established as self-indulgent and uncaring." (King, 8) Orwell shows us how, "if only animals became aware of their strength, we should have no power over them, and that men exploit animals in much the same way as the rich exploit the proletariat." (Gardner, 97) What was established in Russia after the Bolshevik Revolution was not true communism ("animalism"), which Orwell approved of, where the people owned all the factories and land. Rather, "state communism" was established, where a central government owned them. Orwell thought that such a political system, "state communism," was open to exploitation by its leaders. Napoleon, after gaining complete control, did anything he wished - reserved the best for the pigs, and treated the animals cruelly. The animals could

Essay on The State, Media Policies DemocracyEssay Writing Service

Essay on The State, Media Policies DemocracyEssay Writing Service Essay on The State, Media Policies Democracy Essay on The State, Media Policies DemocracyThe issue regarding the relationship between the state, media policy and democracy has been widely discussed in scientific literature. There are different conceptions of democracy, which can be applied to different situations. On the one hand, the public has the right to participate in social affairs, applying democratic principles and effectively using the mass media information to achieve the established goals. On the other hand, the conception of democracy is that â€Å"the public must be barred from managing of their own affairs, but the means of information must be kept narrowly and rigidly controlled† (Chomsky, 1992, p. 10). According to Noam Chomsky (1992), â€Å"propaganda is to a democracy what the bludgeon is to a totalitarian state†(p. 4). In other words, this phrase means propaganda is used by leaders to keep the masses under their control. Actually, Chomsky discusses the effectiveness of American propaganda effor ts, providing comprehensive historical evidence â€Å"from the warmongering of Woodrow Wilson to the creation of popular support for the 1991 military intervention in Kuwait† (Chomsky, 1992). He places emphasis on the effects of the falsification of historical data, suppression of vital information, as well as the use of the vapid concepts by the U.S. leaders, both Democrats and Republicans, pursuing the major goal to prevent the U.S. citizens from putting forward awkward questions about the adopted U.S. policy. Thesis statement: Propaganda can be viewed as an effective tool to promote democracy through the media, controlled by the state, although it may be ignored by people who have no interest in the proposed beliefs.The role of propaganda can be assessed from different perspectives. Noam Chomsky, the linguists and political thinker, highlights the idea of â€Å"the bewildered herd† that refers to the masses that are too ignorant to critically assess the media. Acco rding to Chomsky, â€Å"the bewildered herd, trampling and roaring, has its function: to be the interested spectators of action, not participants† (Chomsky, 2004, p. 93). The state can be viewed as the specialized class, which involves not only policymakers, but also school teachers and principals, who lead and control the so-called â€Å"bewildered herd†.   The media can be used to direct the â€Å"bewildered herd† providing each member the sense of reality and instilling the proper beliefs. The so-called â€Å"gatekeeping† in relation to Chomsky’s arguments regarding â€Å"the bewildered herd† and propaganda being to democracy â€Å"what the bludgeon is to a totalitarian state† can be explained by the impact of the state on media policy. Some of the techniques of propaganda, which include codes and conventions that depend on cultural knowledge, can be used to orient the public in the world of politics. Actually, propaganda†™s function is to motivate others and influence the behavior of others in terms of politics. The techniques of propaganda are based on ethos, pathos and logos, because these elements make any argument more persuasive. As this strategy helps to produce successful propaganda, many propagandists combine democratic principles with the ideas expressed by the state to control media policies (Marlin, 2002). The art of propaganda is the art of persuasion, which proves the significance of the established ideology and proposed policy (Marlin, 2002). Codes and conventions that depend on cultural knowledge affect the quality of propaganda.  In general, such gatekeeping compromises Bennett’s (2007) characterization of â€Å"news as a democratic information system† because the news media fails to serve the needs of democracy in certain political contexts.   Lance Bennett (2007) is focused on the role of various political actors, including political leader, presidents, the memb ers of Congress, the members of interest groups and human activists in the functioning of the media to persuade people. According to Bennett, political thought is driven by the media, which provides both external and internal information. Many people ignore the news information because their interests are in conflict with the proposed beliefs. The media is focused on creating the healthy, trustworthy environment that is aimed at supporting the major state’s policies, as well as the ideas of the interest groups. In other words, the media is used to maintain and promote the so-called illusions developed by the state to allow public opinion being influenced by the state’s interests. The media operates as the tool to control political thought. Noam Chomsky (2004), as an experienced political thinker, believes that the media is a powerful force used by the state to create the required illusion of democracy. The media has the ability to construct public opinion as it is requ ired by those who are in power. The fact that the First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution works to ensure freedom of press, driven by democratic principles, does not mean that the media reflects democracy. According to Chomsky, â€Å"if the powerful are able to fix the premise of discourse, to decide what the general populace is allowed to see, hear and think about, and to manage public opinion by regular propaganda campaigns, the standard view of how the system works is at serious odds with reality† (qtd. in Best Radcliff, 2005, p. 72). Generally speaking, Bennett’s characterization of â€Å"news as a democratic information system† fails to reveal the real function of the media in today’s political environment.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Thus, it is necessary to conclude that the role of the media in contemporary politics is crucial as it depends on the state, but, at the same time, it is influenced by democracy. The study of political power in relation to public opinion helps to evaluate the significance of propaganda. The media can be viewed as an effective tool to control and manipulate public opinion, based on the principles of democracy and the ideas of governmental elites. In other words democracy is influenced by the state’s policies. Chomsky’s arguments regarding â€Å"the bewildered herd† and propaganda being to democracy â€Å"what the bludgeon is to a totalitarian state† can be used to give explanation to the impact of the state on media policy. Although the media is considered to be free from the state’s censorship, it is steadily compromised by the state’s control. In some cases, the media fails to provide people with the type of information they need to assess the political situation and make the correct choices regarding their own interests in politics. The governmental elites who provide control over the functioning of the media also have control over publ ic opinion, shaping the information in their own interests. So, Bennett’s characterization of â€Å"news as a democratic information system† is false. Propaganda is crucial for the state as it maintains the illusion of democracy while permitting the interest groups to have power over public opinion.

Element in story Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Element in story - Assignment Example She is able to contain the sense of freedom within herself and disguise her joy with a sense of sorrow that is associated with the loss of her husband. However, she celebrates the onset of her freedom while secluded in her personal space and behind the closed door (Chopin 206). She remains hopeful of a promising future that will involve making her decisions without the influence of his husband or other people. She seems convinced of the end of the period of being undermined by superior authority. Another element, which reflects the onset of freedom, is the description accorded to the sky. Louise notes of the dark clouds piling by the west (Chopin 205). Such an observation may be translated as an indication of the dusk of her oppression. Her freedom was trickling like the blue sky. Arguably, she anticipated brighter days akin to the blue sky. The blue sky may, thus, be described as being symbolic with respect to the life of Louise. The demise of her husband is reflected as the termination of her oppressive submission as a wife. Her sudden death may be suggested to have resulted from the shock of learning the setback that struck the onset of her

IT Project Management Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

IT Project Management - Assignment Example Three cells on top, a full width cell in the middle showing Activity name and three cells on bottom. Each of these cells represents important information about the activity as shown below in the picture:- Calculation of Early Start and Early Finish time: Early start time in the first activity is set to 1 whereas duration is given in the requirements. Early finish time is calculated by adding duration in early start time. Early start time of the next sequential activity is set to the previous activity’s early finish time. Adding duration, Early Finish time is found. All activities are traversed in the forward direction and their early start, duration and early finish time is found in this way and written in their respective cells. Early start time of activity that is approached by two or more activities is set to the highest time. For example Activity 14 is approached by Activity 8 which has early finish time as 76 and Activity 12 which has early finish time as 39. The highest early finish time is 76 so early start time of Activity 14 is set to 76. Calculation of Late Start and Late Finish time: Reaching to the end of the activity or finish traversing is restarted in the backward direction. The last activity’s early finish time is set to its late finish time. Deducting duration, late start time is set. Traversing backward previous activity’s late finish time is set to the late start time of the current activity. Then deducting duration, late start time of previous activity is found. All activities are traversed in the backward direction and their late finish, float/slack and late start time is found in this way and written in their respective cells until the start is reached. Late finish time of activity that is approached by two or more activities is set to the lowest time. For example Activity 5 is approached in backward direction by Activity 6 which has late start time as 22 and Activity 7 which has late start time as 65. The lowest early finish time is 22 so late finish time of Activity 5 is set to 22. Calculation of Float or Slack time: The Float or Slack time is the difference between late finish and early finish time. It is same as the difference between early start and late start time. All the activities that have float/slack as zero is critical activity and must be part of the Critical Path. Start and Finish Activity box: Each diagram begins with the start box having values of zero for early start, duration, early finish, late start, float and late finish. Each diagram ends with the finish box having values of maximum days needed to complete for the project. It is set in all the cells of early start, duration, early finish, late start, float late finish. Directional Arrow: Each activity is linked with a directional arrow to show the sequential flow of the activities. The arrow can be in the forward direction to show the progress of work flow or up and down direction to show the parallel works. No backward dire ction is allowed in the network diagram because the time once passed never returns. Task 3: Constraints of Days and Amount Applying constraint of completing project within 70 days has forced to break up two of the activities. Activity 6 of 15 days which has been now changed to Activity 6(a) and Activity 6(b) each of 10 days duration calculated by 2/3*15 formula given in constraints. Similarly Activity 8 of 39 days is now